"As a mark of strong protest against and  firm condemnation of  the ruthless prosecution of the war by the Sri Lankan State in the North Eastern territory of Sri Lanka, the areas of historical habitation of the Tamil-speaking people, carried out by continuous aerial bombardment, multi-barrel rocket fire, and other military attacks in Tamil civilian populated areas, through  which war the Sri Lankan State continues to commit genocide of the Tamil nation by the extermination  of  Tamil civilians and by the destruction and devastation of the Tamil homeland and by the displacement  of hundreds of thousands of Tamil civilians tantamount to ethnic cleansing and for the prosecution of which war the Sri Lankan State seeks to allocate a colossal sum of money  under the Budget Proposals, 2009, the Members of Parliament of the Illankai  Tamil  Arusu Kadchi, the Tamil National Alliance, will boycott the Budget Speech and walk out of the House when the Hon. Minister of Finance commences the presentation of the Budget, 2009." 

As  you will recall, Sir, in terms of this statement, when the Hon.  Minister of Finance commenced presenting his  Budget  Proposals, we walked out of the House. My speech today, Sir, will primarily  focus around the statement which we made on the 6th of November. We see the prosecution of this war, this ruthless  war, as the  fulcrum  on which the whole  institution of Government revolves. The Tamil question has afflicted the body politic of this country since Independence, primarily  because the peoples that inhabit this  country -  the  Sinhalese  people, the Tamil people and the Muslim people - have not been able to give themselves a Constitution  based upon the consensus of all its peoples.   Efforts  to evolve  a solution to the Tamil question have not been successful  primarily because the two main political parties, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and the United National Party, have not been able to adopt a bipartisan consensual  approach.  President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his key advisers seem however, to think that there has to be a military solution  to the Tamil question. That, in my submission, is the objective of this war.  This objective is sought to be packaged in four concepts.  It was three formerly, but now it has become four.  But still, some Ministers talk about three concepts.  The Government’s new discovery for the resolution of the intractable Tamil question, which in effect is the right of the Tamil-speaking people to self-determination in the areas of their historical habitation, is based upon the following four concepts: one, demilitarization; two, democratization; three, development and four, devolution. 

Militarization in this country, Sir, is in two forms. One is the State military.  The Sri Lankan State has got its Army, its Navy and its Air Force.  There is a retaliatory or a defensive armed force of the LTTE, which has also got its own army, its own navy and its own air force.  President Mahinda Rajapaksa states that the violence of the LTTE must be militarily crushed; there is no other way.  I want to pose the question, Sir, as to when violence was first unleashed in this country, when violence first commenced in this country, is it not true that violence was unleashed against the Tamil people in the 1950s, in the 1960s, in the 1970s and in the 1980s? Why? They merely carried on a non-violent political struggle. You were not prepared to accommodate their moderate political demands and you unleashed violence against them.  They performed Sathyagraha on the Gandhian model of non-violence.  In 1956, when their leaders performed a Sathyagraha at Galle Face Green, in front of the old Parliament House, they were attacked.  You subjected the Tamil people to violence because you wanted to subdue them and subjugate them.  The Tamil people, however, have proved that they are too resilient for you to succeed in your efforts. 

The emergence of the LTTE was in the late 1970s,  after three decades, this was the reaction to the Government’s violent and unjust actions against the Tamil people - You now try to make out that the LTTE is the only problem,  that the LTTE is purely a terrorist organization, and that there was no justification for its emergence.

 This I submit, Sir, is nothing but, downright chicanery.  You conveniently forget that in more than half of Sri Lanka’s post-independene history, in more than the first three decades since the country attained independence, only the Tamil people were the victims of violence and that the Sri Lankan State was the offender.  Politically, no acceptable solution has yet been evolved to the Tamil question.   You are not willing to do so because you do not want to compromise on Sinhala supremacy.  The Government in an effort to deceive the international community stages the drama of an APRC process and also claims in the interim to implement the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, something, which the President wanted done, because he wanted something with which he could try to appease the international community.  I must specifically state that the 13th Amendment, as an interim solution did not come out through the APRC process.  It came out of a directive of the President to the Chairman of the APRC, that is the truth, and not even President Mahinda Rajapaksa can deny that.  The Chairman of the APRC, Prof. Tissa Vitharana in a statement to the media has acknowledged this position.  This is now to be done separately in the East and separately in the North, thereby undermining the merged North-Eastern unit of governance, which the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement provided for, and which was implemented under the 13th Amendment to the Constitution and the Provincial Councils Act.  This is yet another grave betrayal in the long list of betrayals committed by the Sri Lankan State against the Tamil people; you try to make out that you want to solve this problem, that you are honest about it, that your political proposals are intended genuinely to find a solution, but you are de-merging the North-East and not coming up with any worthwhile political proposal.   
                                                                                                                                    
I propose at this stage Sir, with your permission to read out an interview given by Hon. Mangala Samaraweera, who was the former Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Government, and who is now the Leader of the SLFP, (M) the defecting faction, and sits in the Opposition.  This is what he said in an interview given to Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema which is reported in the “The Sunday Leader” of August 3, 2008.  The question that he was asked . It states, I quote:

“The Indian Prime Minister was reportedly assured by the government even during your tenure as foreign minister that a political package to resolve the ethnic issue will be submitted at the earliest but still there is no progress on that front.  How serious has this development impacted on Indo-Lanka relations?”
   
and what was the answer he gave?  It states, I quote:
  
“As you know, as foreign minister between the period of November 2005 and January 2007, I made six visits to New Delhi-twice with the President.  At each opportunity,  I had the honour of meeting the Indian Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh to explain the evolving situation in the country. Indian Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee also participated at these meetings.  In fact, at each meeting, first the President and then I assured the Prime Minister that the final report of the All Party Conference (APC) will be issued by August 2006, the latest.” 

That was two years ago. He further goes on to say, I quote:

“However, as time went by, it was also clear to me that the government, especially with the pressure exerted by the likes of the JHU, Wimal Weerawansa and also the Defence Secretary, were all out to sabotage and cripple the workings of the APC.  The APC, as far as the President and his people were concerned was a ploy to keep the international community at bay and also a means of showing the international community that the government was interested in negotiating a settlement while it secretly operated a military option.

In fact, when I met Dr. Singh later that year, it was very embarrassing, as I, in order to protect the government, had to pretend that a solution was forthcoming.  In December 2006, the duplicity was evident when I accompanied the President to New Delhi to attend Minister Mani Shankar Aiyar’s daughter’s wedding and to meet the Indian Prime Minister to brief him on the latest developments in Sri Lanka.

At this meeting, we had in our delegation, Dr. Rohan Perera, who was an advisor to the Foreign Ministry and a member of the expert’s panel of the APC that was drafting the final recommendations.  At the meeting, the President got Dr. Perera to give a brief presentation to the Indian side on the proposed recommendations. 

Dr. Perera gave a concise presentation where he said they would propose absolute devolution of power similar to that of the quasi federal Indian Constitution. 

However, we were in for a rude shock once we got back to Sri Lanka when President Rajapakse, who was extremely peeved by Delhi’s blackout of his photographers at the earlier visit, instructed that the experts committee of the APC be dissolved.  Dr. Perera and other members were mercilessly attacked in government controlled newspapers and were forced to submit their resignations.  The President presented a set of proposals to India, which he himself was to disown a few weeks later.

At the Non Aligned Summit in Havana in September 2006, President Rajapakse again assured the Indian Prime Minister  and the delegation that there would be no demerger of the north and east.   But he later instigated Wimal  Weerawansa and the JVP to file action against the merger.  Even today, it is a well-known fact the President is there behind the anti-Indian rhetoric of the JHU and the JVP. ”

This, Sir, comes  from the Foreign Minister of this Government who was with the President of this country, at the meeting with the Indian Prime Minister in Havana where the President assured the Indian Prime Minister that there will be no de-merger.  This is  not being said by me.  It is being said by a Foreign Minister of this Government and this is exactly what Mr. M. K. Narayanan, the National Security Adviser of the Indian Government told me and my colleagues when we met him in New Delhi before the judgment of the Supreme Court, after the President met with the Prime Minister in Hawana.  Mr. Narayanan told us that there was an assurance from the President that there will be no de-merger and that we do not have to worry about it; going further he told us that the Indian Prime Minister has told the President that if there was going to be a de-merger, India would have to keep all its options open. Those were the exact words of Mr. M. K. Narayanan, the National Security Adviser of India.  Sir, where exactly is this government going? What is this government doing? 

Are you not cheating everybody, the people in this country, the international community and the much beleaguered Tamil people?  In so far, Sir, as the sharing of powers of Government is concerned, the Thirteenth Amendment was rejected by the main Tamil political party of the Tamil people, the TULF as early as 1987 – 1988, and continues to be rejected by the main Tamil political party, the Illankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi, the Tamil National Alliance, which has 22 Members in Parliament out of 23 Tamil Members of Parliament elected from the North and the East.  It has not found acceptance with any Tamil political formation that does not carry out the dictates of President Mahinda Rajapaksa.  Such a worthless scheme can never be a solution to the Tamil question.  Moreover, by seeking to implement the Thirteenth Amendment, President Mahinda Rajapaksa thereby seeks to set at naught all efforts to evolve an acceptable political solution between 1989 and 2007, including his own pronouncements and actions when he set up the APRC.  The Thirteenth Amendment concentrates all powers in the Centre and the Provincial council is no more than a glorified local government institution.  Such a worthless scheme can never be a solution to the Tamil question.

I am told that the media today have reported that the Hon. Susil Premajayantha in Parliament yesterday said that there will be no solution above the Thirteenth Amendment.  If that is your position, I might tell you across the Floor of this House, you can chuck it, we will not touch it with the wrong end of a barge-pole.  
 
It is in this background, Sir, that this so called demilitarization which in effect means the military annihilation of the LTTE takes place.  In doing so, Tamil civilian settlements are subjected to aerial bombardment, multi-barrel rocket launcher fire and other military attacks.  Tamil civilians are killed and injured.  Their assets including their livelihood opportunities and equipment are destroyed.  They are displaced in hundreds of thousands.  Entire villages are depopulated and denuded in a manner tantamount to ethnic cleansing.  As a step complementary to the conduct of this war, Tamil civilians particularly youth are subjected to enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings.  The killings of five Tamil students in Trincomalee Town, and 17 Tamil aid workers in Mutur, Trincomalee, were two such clearly outrageous instances, which are presently being inquired into by the Commission of Inquiry.  I will deal with that later in the course of the Committee Stage discussion.

This happens not merely in the North-East, but even in other parts of the country, we state that by this process of so called demilitarization, genocidal attacks have been unleashed against the Tamil people in their areas of historical habitation, their homeland.  These ruthless military attacks have objectives that go beyond the so called annihilation of the LTTE.  The Sri Lankan Government surely knows that the LTTE cannot be annihilated by aerial bombing of Tamil settlements and firing multi-barrel rockets into such settlements.  The real objective is to break the will of the Tamils as a people, to break their resilience and to subdue and to subjugate those who remain.  I would even mention, Sir, that when the Government sought the immediate withdrawal of UN agencies and the international non-governmental organizations from the Vanni, some time in September, when those agencies were prepared to work there continuously, this was deliberately done by the Government in order to inflict further hardships on the Tamil people, and as a component of the process of committing genocide against the Tamil people. 

In this process of demilitarization,  valuable lands of Tamil civilian people, both in the North and the East, in Walikamam, in Tenmarachchi, in Vadamarachchi, in Kayts, in Mutur-East which they have historically inhabited and used for their residence and occupational purposes for centuries, have been militarily taken over by the Sri Lankan State without the consent of these Tamil civilians, and several hundred of thousands of Tamil people are deprived of the use of such lands for occupation and for residence reducing them to a position of destitution and penury.  The Sri Lankan Armed forces are increasingly occupying the areas historically inhabited by the Tamil people, both in the North and in the East, establishing new camps and new facilities wherever they please, and the Tamil people who remain in these areas will have to live under the oppressive control of these armed forces, who are 99 per cent Sinhala, and who have nothing but hostility against the Tamil people. 

This, Sir, I submit is the most suppressive subjugation of the Tamil nation that has been inflicted on them  by this Government.  This cruel action, Sir, against the Tamil people is  ironically and most cynically described as the  liberation of the Tamil people by the Mahinda Rajapaksa Government.  Tamil people are killed; they are grievously injured; their houses and other assets, plantations, crops, animal husbandry, occupational equipment, everything, is destroyed; they are driven out of their homes and villages;  they are impoverished,  rendered destitute; they seek refuge with their children in the open even under trees, and the Government has the audacity to say that these Tamil people are being liberated.  Government’s mendacious conduct, Sir, in regard to what is happening can be seen from what happened in the Eastern Province. 

There was a debate in Parliament in regard to the situation in the North-East on 5th of September, 2007, in the course of which,  quoting the  reports of recognized human rights organizations,  the  University Teachers for  Human Rights (Jaffna),  and  the Human Rights Watch,  I stated that at least 300 Tamil civilians had been killed in the course of  military operations in the Eastern Province, and  the Minister who replied on behalf of the Government said that he had checked with the Government Agents of Trincomalee, Batticaloa, Amparai, and  the  Area Commanders  of the Army, in those areas, and  that not one Tamil civilian had been killed. I subsequently got the names of these  people and moved another Adjournment  motion  in Parliament,  which took place on 18th September, 2007, and in the course of that Adjournment Debate I tabled the names of 261 Tamil persons who had been killed, their addresses and the dates on which they were killed, and I called upon the Government to appoint a Commission of Inquiry comprising  three retired  judges  of the higher judiciary, one Sinhalese, one Tamil and one Muslim with the Muslim as the Chairman of the Commission, to go into this  question,  inquire and give us a report in regard to the truth.  Have you done that?  Why not? You go around  saying, “Tamils  are not being killed; we are liberating them.”   I  gave you the names of 261 people and called  upon you  to appoint a Commission comprising  three retired judges to ascertain the truth. 

Have you done that? Have you paid compensation to a single family whose member was killed?  You have not paid one cent.  This shows  what the Government is engaged in. It is  genocide of the Tamil nation and not the liberation of the Tamil nation as you have the cheek,  the impudence, to say even publicly, even internationally.  Can such a government, Sir, ever be trusted. In regard to your militarily crushing the LTTE? I do not want to  talk too much about   that. 

I remember, when I was a Member of Parliament in 1977/1978 in the old Parliament,  President  J.R. Jayewardene one day stood up and said that he had instructed his nephew, Brigadier “Bull” Weeratunga  to go to Jaffna and to put an end to terrorism.  That happened 30 years ago.  And we all know what has happened. I wish to say that unless one of these three things happen,  firstly,  you destroy the Tamil nation -you are  able  to  commit genocide of  the Tamil nation,  which is what you are doing  now;  you are in the process of doing  that; Secondly, there is an acceptable political solution which is increasingly becoming remote from what is happening in this country;  Thirdly, the Tamil-speaking people and others living with them are living in their own  independent state,  it is my submission, that you will still be fighting terrorism  for yet another 30 years down the road.  President  J.R. Jayewardene said this 30 years ago and 30 years further down the road you will still  be fighting terrorism.
 
I might at this stage refer to what was stated in regard to  a similar situation by the late Prime Minister of  India, Shrimathi Indira Gandhi when she referred to the Bangladesh situation in a letter that she wrote to the President of  the United States, President  Richard Nixon on the 15th of  December 1971.  This is what  Prime Minister Indira Gandhi said:

“The fact of the matter is that the rulers of  West Pakistan got away with the impression that they could do what they liked, because no one, not even the United States, would choose to take a public position that while Pakistan’s integrity was certainly sacrosanct, human rights, liberty were no less so, and that there was a necessary inter-connection between the inviolability of  states and the contentment of  their people.”

Exactly the same situation prevails in Sri Lanka today, where the human rights of  the  Tamil people, the liberty of the Tamil people, is under attack by the State in a genocidal  process and the Sri Lankan Government, under President Mahinda Rajapaksa, thinks that they can get away with all these things, and nobody can question them, nobody can control them, and nobody can set things right.  I must say, you are making a very, very  sad mistake.

Sir, I want to refer to the  Indian concerns that were expressed in recent times.  They are contained in the three communiqués that I hope to place before the House.  The first was on October 6th, a demarche referred to by an official who said, I quote :

"The Sri Lankan Deputy High Commissioner was summoned by the National Security Adviser today to express India’s grave concern and unhappiness at the growing casualties of unarmed Tamil civilians as a result of military action.  The escalation of hostilities in the North and the resultant fallout was leading to a great deal of concern in India.  It was pointed out that there was need for the Sri Lankan government to act with greater restraint and address the growing feeling of  insecurity among the minority community.  To stem the deteriorating humanitarian situation, the need to revive the political process was highlighted.  It was essential that vital supplies to the affected population were not disrupted in any manner.”

This was after you withdrew the UN agencies and the international NGOs from the Vanni. 

Sir, the second statement that came out is from the Indian Foreign Minister, Mr. Pranab Mukherjee.  I  quote  from an article in "The Hindu" of 17th October, 2008, under the heading, "India worried about civilian suffering, says Pranab": He stated
    
“It is essential that their rights”-

It means the rights of Tamil civilians.
“-be respected, that they be immune from attacks, and that food and other essential supplies be allowed to reach them,” External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee said in a statement here.     Mr. Mukherjee said New Delhi had consistently made it clear that normality could not be brought about by military means or battlefield victories.  What was required was a peacefully negotiated political settlement which allowed each community to realise its potential within the framework of a united Sri Lanka. The Government of India, he stressed, would do all in its power to achieve this goal to ameliorate the humanitarian conditions in Sri Lanka and had been making representations to Colombo at several levels.”

There was a third statement, Sir, which came out from the Foreign Secretary.  “He expressed grave concern over the situation obtaining in Sri Lanka”.  He expressed worries at the humanitarian effect of the conflict on the civilians and said essential supplies and food should be allowed to reach them.  The Foreign Secretary also reiterated that a political settlement is required and this could not be brought about by military means. He also asked the High Commissioner for Sri Lanka in India to tell his Government that urgent steps be taken to address India’s concerns. 

What is happening Sir?  We all know that after all these concerns, Mr. Basil Rajapaksa, as the Special Envoy of the President, went to India.  He was there on the 26th of October and he made certain representations and gave assurances to India that the Tamil people will not be penalised or will not be victimized during the course of the military operations and that the Government would ensure that the Tamil civilians were safe.  I  will Sir, place  here, a record of the events that took place in the Wanni  on 24th of October, that is two days before  Mr. Basil Rajapaksa went to India, 25th of October, 28th of October, 29th of October, 30th of October, again 30th of October, 31st of October, 2nd of November, 3rd of November,  again 3rd of November, 6th of November, 9th of November and 10th of November,  where as the result of aerial bombardment,  multi-barrel rocket attacks,  civilians have been killed; civilians have been injured; schools have been damaged; houses have been damaged -some completely and some partially; temples have been damaged,  even the Kilinochchi Hospital  was  damaged.  Mr. Speaker, I am tabling* this document and I want this to be included in Hansard.

This is a record of events within the said several days and the photographs of the consequences of such events, during the so-called liberation of the Tamil people, showing how Tamil people have been injured, how Tamil people have been killed, how their cattle have been killed; how their houses have been damaged; how temples have been damaged and how the Kilinochchi Hospital has been damaged.  This has happened after Mr.Basil Rajapakse’s visit to New-Delhi.
    
 I want this kindly, Sir, to be included in Hansard. 

So, Sir, if this Government thinks that by merely prosecuting this war, they can find a solution to the Tamil question, I think, they are sadly mistaken and I would strongly urge them to rethink their whole strategy. 
 
At this stage, Sir, while we talk about the war and all that has been going on, I want to read, Sir, an article that appeared in the “Time” magazine of 3rd of November, 2008 where Mr. Barack Obama, the new President of the United States, as the Democratic candidate met with General Petraeus, the Military Commander of the US, in regard to the war in Iraq.  General Petraeus was of the view that the war should be continued but Barack Obama had a different view and he met with the General and discussed this matter with him at length and told him why he did not agree with the General’s view.  He said very clearly, it states, I quote:

“Your job is to succeed in Iraq on as favourable terms as we can get.  But my job as a potential Commander in Chief is to view your counsel and interests through the prism of our overall national security.” Obama talked about the deteriorating situation in Afghanistan, the financial costs of the occupation of  Iraq, the stress it was putting on the military. ”
 
Do you think of your national interest?   Are you not alienating the Tamil people in such a way that the Tamil people can never be integrated hereafter, into a Sri Lankan nation, by killing them in this way, by injuring them in this way, by destroying all that they own?  You do not think of that; you are not concerned about it. 
 
It states further, I quote:
  
“But the Senator from Illinois had laid down his marker: if elected President, he would be in charge.  Unlike George W. Bush who had given  Petraeus complete authority over the war - an unprecedented abdication of presidential responsibility (and unlike John McCain, whose hero worship of Petraeus bordered on the unseemly) -  Obama would insist on a rigorous chain of command.”
 
Do you have a rigorous chain of command in this country?  Who is conducting the war in this country?  Is General Fonseka doing what he likes to do?  Does the President, as a civilian Commander-in-Chief have any control over the conduct of war?  I call upon the President, as the civilian Commander-in-Chief, in the national interest, to rethink this whole question.  If he wants the Sri Lankan nation, into which the Tamil nation can be integrated, rethink this whole question and stop this war.
 
Before I finish with this particular point, Sir, -

In a few minutes I will conclude, Sir. 
 
Mr. Obama also spoke on the Sri Lankan Tamil issue during the course of the Presidential campaign and I quote his own words.  It states, I quote:

“… characterizing the conflict in Sri Lanka as a ‘vicious civil war’, Senator Barack Obama, a leading Democratic contender in America’s forthcoming 2008 Presidential elections, said during an interview that, ‘the problem of the 21st century is the problem of the other’.  He described this phenomenon as the inability of the people to accommodate others  ‘who are not like us’, and mentioned Sri Lanka as an  example,….”
      
Who does not accommodate whom in this country? 

He further states, I quote:

“…pointing out that the war rages even when ‘everybody there looks exactly the same.’ ”
Obama also criticized the Bush administration’s “war on terror” as the cause for suppressing civil liberties, saying:  “Part of my job as next President is to break the fever of fear that has been exploited by this administration.  We are told to be afraid of terrorists, immigrants and each other.  This becomes the means by which our civil liberties are being subverted and our values are distorted,” implying policy changes are in order.
 
He promised a break from the Bush-Cheney diplomacy:  “a willingness to speak to our adversaries” and cited President Kennedy, saying “We should never negotiate out of fear, but we should never fear to negotiate.” 

“The notion that not talking with Leaders we do not like makes us look tough, is fundamentally flawed, it makes us look arrogant and sends the message to the world that we are not listening.”

I am concluding, Sir.  In fact the impression that we all have is, whatever we say in this House you are not listening.  You do not care two hoots.  You do what you like.  But please do not think that you can do what you like and get away with it.  That must come to an end.  That will come to an end.  That will be brought to an end.  You cannot go on like this indefinitely.

On the concept of democracy, on the concept of development and devolution Sir, I do not have time to speak now.  But in the course of the Committee Stage discussion of the Budget, I will seek the appropriate moments when I will be able to - on behalf of my people - give our views in regard to those matters in this House.  I thank you, Sir.

Attacks by Government Forces which has resulted in Civilian casualties within the Wanni Since – 24.10.2008

24.10.2008 – Killinochi
 
2 Persons killed
1. Sinniah Ramalingam  - Aged 68, Retired Co-operative Society Chairman
2. Ramalingam Wijeyananthan - Aged 32,Teacher

(1) and (2) are father & son

25.10.2008 – Killinochi
Killinochi Hospital subjected to Multi barrel rocket Attacks

28.10.2008 – Kumarapuram close to Paranthan Junction in Killinochi Subjected to             Aerial Bombardment.
  
3 Persons Killed
1. Sangaralingam Sivanathan - Aged 36
2. Sivanathan Sivamani  - Aged 24
3. Thanganathan Sivanesan - Aged 29

11 Persons injured Amongst them are :
1. Christie   - Aged 16, Student
2. Kanishtan   - Aged 15, Student
3. Thanushan    - Aged 15, Student
4. Sukumar Rathidevi  - Aged 47
5. V.Kandeepan  - Aged 29
6. A.Pathmaseelan  - Aged 37

Around 1300 Students studying at Paranthan Hindu Vidyalayam and Vallipunam Higher Kanishta College narrowly escaped during Aerial bombardment – The children were however terrified as pictures clearly indicate. Ten (10) Houses were completely destroyed. Several other Houses were partly damaged.

29.10.2008 – Rathinapuram ,Killinochi
Multi Barrel Rocket Fire

1 Person Killed
Karalasingham Prakalathan  - Aged 23

Aerial Bombardment Akkarayan Veethy – Killinochi
1 Person injured

Muniyandy Santhiranayagam  - Aged 59
30.10.2008 -  Vallipunam Puthukudeirppu, Mullaithevu,
Aerial Bombardment

1 Person killed
Selvarasa Satheeskaran  - Aged 16, Student at Vallipunam Kanishta          Vidiyalayam
8 Persons injured
1. Pathmanathan Nivethini - Aged 17 – Student
2. Navaratnam Thavakumar - Aged 32
3. Nagaratnam Navaruby - Aged 32
4. Pushpakaran Santhini  - Aged 34
5. Rajendram Yesuthasan - Aged 29
6. Arumugam Maheswary - Aged 45
7. Paramanthan Devavathani - Aged 18
8. Sirinivasan Thamilarasan - Aged 3 Months

30.10.2008 - Vadamaratchi East, Alliavallai
Multi Barrel Rocket Fire

1 Person injured
Vigneshwaran - Medicine Sprayer attached to Killinochi Hospital

31.10.2008 - Jajanthinagar Killinochi
Aerial Bombardment

6 Houses Completely damaged.
7 Houses partly damaged
Killinochi Central College damaged.

02.11.2008 and 03.11.2008 - Killinochi Town, Thondanman Nagar, Puthu Murippu,      Selvanagar
Multi Barrel Rocket Fire

16 Houses fully damaged
18 Trading Centres damaged

03.11.2008 - Vadamarachi East Mulliyan
Aerial Bombardment

2 Persons Injured
1. Alvar Uthayakumar of Mulliyawalai   - Aged 42
2. Nalliah Sivagnanam of Muliyawalai  - Aged 43
03.11.2008 - Mathavalasingham Tank Area, Manal Aru
Multi barrel Rocket Fire

2 Persons injured
1. Nadanasabapathi Illankunathan - Aged 36
2. Nadanasabapathy Kasinathan  - Aged 30

06.11.2008 – Paranthan Killinochi
Aerial bombardment

12 Persons injured
1. K.Sasikaran    - Aged 16
2. S.Navaneethan   - Aged 18
3. M.Parameswary   - Aged 57
4. M.Thangeswary   - Aged 36

The other 8 had minor injuries
4 Houses fully damaged
11 Houses partly damaged

09.11.2008 - Kumarapuram Paranthan, Killinochi
Aerial bombardment

5 Persons injured
1. Manoharan Vithuran   - Aged 02
2. Sellathurai Kamalampal  - Aged 72
3. Nagalingam Sivarasa   - Aged 54
4. Sivarasa Gowri   - Aged 63
5. Srikanth Tharangan   - Aged 12

One Mrs Manoharan died by reason of aerial bombardment a month ago. This aerial attack on 09.11.2008 took place when the 31st day ceremony of Mrs.Manoharan was being conducted. The first named injured Manoharan Vithuran is the son of Mrs.Manoharan.

9 Houses damaged.
Murugan Temple at Kumarapuram was damaged.

10.11.2008
Attack by deep penetration Unit.

1 Civilian was killed.

As per the above, between 24.10.2008 and 10.11.2008, 8 Civilians have been killed and 40 Civilians have been injured.

Substantial Civilian property, Houses, Hospital, Schools, and Temples have also been damaged.

Livestock also have been killed.

     
      R.Sampanthan,
      Member of Parliament,
      Trincomalee District.
      Parliamentary Group Leader
      Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi
        (Tamil National Alliance)